Concerning Questions of Leninism

Stalin wrote a long article in January 1926 to summarize the resolution of the Fourteenth National Congress of the C.P.S.U. (B) theoretically and fight back the program proposed by the new opposition, indicating “dedicated to the Leningrad organization of the C.P.S.U. (B)”; it was published in a single edition on February 6, 1926, and was also published in the third issue of Bolshevik magazine on February 15, 1926. The Chinese translation is included in Vol. 8 of the Complete Works of Stalin.

The main content of this auricle is to make a further discussion and a supplement to the “The Foundations of Leninism” published in 1924, on the relevant issues based on the practical questions of the socialist construction of the Soviet Union at that time.

On the issue of the definition of Leninism, Stalin pointed out that Leninism was defined in the article “The Foundations of Leninism”, that is, “Leninism is Marxism in the era of imperialism and proletarian revolution. To be more exact, Leninism is the theory and tactics of the proletarian revolution in general, the theory and tactics of the dictatorship of the proletariat in particular.” The definition correctly indicates the historical roots of Leninism, defining it as the Marxism of the era of imperialism, so as to refute against certain critics of Lenin who erroneously advocated that Leninism had originated after the imperialist war; secondly it reflects the truth, since it correctly expounded the universal character of Leninism, against the Social-Democratic trend which regarded that Leninism was applicable only to Russia’s national conditions; thirdly it reflects the truth, because it correctly expounds on the organic connection between Leninism and Marxism.

On the main thing in Leninism, Stalin reiterated the idea in his former work “The Foundations of Leninism”, which said: The fundamental question of Leninism, its point of departure, is not the peasant question, but the question of the dictatorship of the proletariat, of the conditions under which it can be achieved, of the conditions under which it can be consolidated, so forth. On the peasant question, Stalin stated his agreement: It goes without saying that the peasant question as the question of the ally of the proletariat is of the greatest significance for the proletariat and the peasant question forms a constituent part of the fundamental question of the dictatorship of the proletariat. Stalin refuted the view which argued that the peasant question as the fundemental question of Leninism and pointed out: “Since Leninism is the theory and tactics of the proletarian revolution, the question of the proletarian dictatorship is above all a question of the main content of the proletarian revolution.” “This argument is derived entirely from the definition of Leninism.”

On the question of “permanent revolution”, Stalin pointed out that in his article The Foundations of Leninism he had already made the following comment on the Russian “permanent revolutionists”: “Lenin fought the adherents of 'permanent' revolution, not over the question of uninterruptedness, for Lenin himself maintained the point of view of uninterrupted revolution, but because they underestimated the role of the peasantry, which is an enormous reserve of the proletariat.” This commentary was accepted as generally correct, but was not exhaustive. Stalin added to the above commentary in the light of the 1924 controversy and an exhaustive analysis of Lenin's work: “The mistake of the Russian 'permanentists' lay not only in their underestimation of the role of the peasantry, but also in their underestimation of the strength of the proletariat and its capacity to lead the peasantry, in their disbelief in the idea of the hegemony of the proletariat.”

Concerning the proletarian revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat, Stalin first listed the five differences between the proletarian revolution and the bourgeois revolution, quoted Lenin’s basic views on this issue, and pointed out that the proletarian dictatorship is the basic content of the proletarian revolution. Second, according to Lenin, the dictatorship of the proletariat is not the end of class struggle, but the continuation of class struggle in the new form. The definition of proletarian dictatorship is that the proletariat who has won the victory and power should carry out class struggle and suppress the bourgeoisie who has been defeated but has not been eliminated, has not disappeared, has not stopped resisting and has stepped up resisting. It points out three characteristics of proletarian dictatorship: (1) The utilization of the rule of the proletariat for the suppression of the exploiters, for the defense of the country, for the consolidation of the ties with the proletarians of other lands, and for the development and victory of the revolution in all countries; (2) The utilization of the rule of the proletariat in order to detach the laboring and exploited masses once and for all from the bourgeoisie, to consolidate the alliance of the proletariat with these masses, to draw these masses into the work of socialist construction, and to ensure the state leadership of these masses by the proletariat; (3) The utilization of the rule of the proletariat for the organization of socialism, for the abolition of classes, for the transition to a society without classes, to a socialist society. Stalin stressed that the proletarian dictatorship is a combination of all these three aspects. No single one of these aspects can be advanced as the sole characteristic feature of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

With regard to the party and the working class in the system of proletarian dictatorship, Stalin pointed out that, from the point of view of its “mechanism,” from the point of view of the role and significance of the “transmission belts,” the “levers,” and the “directing force” in their totality constitute “the system of the dictatorship of the proletariat”. Stalin pointed out that the levers or transmission belts are those very mass organizations of the proletariat without the aid of which the dictatorship cannot be realized. These organizations are the workers’ trade unions, the Soviets, the co-operatives of all kinds, the Youth League and finally the Party which is the main leading force in the system of the dictatorship of the proletariat. Without the party as the main leading force, there can be no longer-term and consolidated dictatorship of the proletariat. The role or mission of the Party “is to combine the work of all the mass organizations of the proletariat without exception and to direct their activities towards a single goal, the goal of the emancipation of the proletariat.”  “Correctly expressing what the people realize” is a necessary condition to ensure the Party’s basic leading role in the system of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

On the issue of the victory of socialism in a single country, Stalin said that there were two formulations for this issue in his former work “The Foundations of Leninism”. The first explanation is that compared to the idea that combined action of the proletarians of all or at least of a majority of the advanced countries is required to achieve victory over the bourgeoisie, the new approach to achieve victory is absolutely correct due to the the uneven and spasmodic character of the development of the various capitalist countries under the conditions of imperialism, the development within imperialism of catastrophic contradictions leading to inevitable wars, the growth of the revolutionary movement in all countries of the world—all this leads, not only to the possibility, but also to the necessity of the victory of the proletariat in individual countries.

The second formulation in “The Foundations of Leninism” was that overthrowing the bourgeois regime and establishing the power of the proletariat in a single country are not equal to ensuring the complete victory of socialism. For the ultimate victory of socialism, and the organization of socialist mode of production on the global level, the efforts of a particular country, particularly of a peasant country like Russia, would be insufficient; for that, the efforts of the proletarians of several advanced countries are required. This time Stalin argued that building socialism with the strength of one country and the ultimate victory of socialism are two different problems. For the former we should give a positive answer, while for the latter we should give a negative answer. Stalin added: Now we can say: The ultimate victory of socialism is the full guarantee against attempts at intervention, and hence against restoration, for any serious attempt at restoration can take place only with serious support from outside, only with the support of international capital. Therefore, the support of our revolution by the workers of all countries, and still more the victory of the workers in at least several countries, is a necessary condition for fully guaranteeing the first victorious country against attempts at intervention and restoration, a necessary condition for the final victory of socialism”.

On fighting for the victory of socialist construction, Stalin pointed out that all the mistakes of the “new opposition” were based on the view that Russia could not build a socialist society with its own strength. The specific demonstration of disbelief is that they do not believe that the proletariat can attract the main mass of the peasantry to participate in the socialist construction. Stalin pointed out that Lenin’s basic argument on attracting peasants to participate in socialist construction quoted in “The Foundations of Leninism” was completely correct in the whole construction period. Mass organization of millions of peasant farms into co-operatives in all spheres of co-operation, the path of uniting the scattered peasant farms around socialist industry will be the only correct path to achieve socialist construction.

This article refuted the new opposition’s slander and distortion of Leninism and played a positive role in upholding and defending Leninism and in educating party members.