The Foundations of Leninism

Stalin’s nine consecutive lectures at the Sverdlov University in early April 1924. It was marked “dedicated to the comrades who were newly being admitted to the Party in memory of Lenin”. It was first published in Pravda, in seven pieces on April 26 and April 30, later on May 9, 11, 14, 15 and 18 of the year 1924, in its issues of 96, 97, 103, 105, 107, 108 and 121. The Chinese translation is included in Vol. 6 of the Complete Works of Stalin. The speech included a brief introduction, followed by an elaboration on the nine aspects of Leninism.

In the introduction part, Stalin stated that Leninism is Marxism of the era of imperialism and the proletarian revolution. To be more exact, Leninism is the theory and tactics of the proletarian revolution in general, the theory and tactics of the dictatorship of the proletariat in particular. Stalin pointed out that between Marx and Engels, on the one hand, and Lenin, on the other, there lies a whole period of uninterrupted domination of the Second International opportunism, and the ruthless struggle against this opportunism could not but constitute one of the most important tasks of Leninism.

On the question of the historical roots of Leninism, Stalin pointed out that capitalism had developed to the stage of imperialism, and that the old “prosperous” capitalism had become a dying capitalism. The most important contradictions in the age of imperialism are consecutively: the contradiction between labor and capital, the contradiction among the various financial groups and imperialist powers, and thirdly the contradiction between the handful of ruling, “civilized” nations and the hundreds of millions of the colonial and dependent peoples of the world. These three contradictions determined that imperialism was instrumental not only in making the revolution a practical inevitability, but also in creating favorable conditions for a direct assault on the citadels of capitalism. Such was the international situation which gave birth to Leninism. The reason why Leninism was born in Russia, which was not a typical imperialist country, was that Russia was the focus of all these contradictions of imperialism at that time. Since Russia, more than any other country, was pregnant with revolution, therefore, it was in a position to solve those contradictions in a revolutionary way. That is why Russia became the home of Leninism, and that is why Lenin, the leader of the Russian communists, became its creator.

On the method of Leninism, Stalin exposed and criticized the dogmatism of the Second International opportunists. He pointed out that the method of Leninism came into being and it was practiced under the circumstances of fighting against opportunist trends. It has four requirements: Firstly, the testing of the theoretical dogmas of the Second International in the crucible of the revolutionary struggle of the masses, the restoration of the broken unity between theory and practice; secondly, the testing of the policy of the parties of the Second International, not by their slogans and resolutions, but by their deeds, by their actions; thirdly, the reorganization of all the Party work on new revolutionary lines, with a view to training and preparing the masses for the revolutionary struggle; fourthly, self-criticism within the proletarian parties, their education and training on the basis of their own mistakes. Stalin pointed out that what is contained in Lenin’s method was in the main already contained in the teachings of Marx. But it would be wrong to suppose that Lenin’s method is merely the restoration of the method of Marx. As a matter of fact, Lenin’s method is not only the restoration of, but also the concretization and further development of the critical and revolutionary methodology of Marx, of his materialist dialectics.

On theoretical issues, Stalin pointed out three aspects: Firstly, theory is the experience of the working-class movement in all countries taken in its general aspect. Lenin said: “Without a revolutionary theory there can be no revolutionary movement” and “the role of vanguard fighter can be fulfilled only by a party that is guided by the most advanced theory”. It was Lenin who realized the development of Marxist philosophy in his work Materialism and Empirio-Criticism.

Secondly, criticism of the “theory” of spontaneity. The “theory” of spontaneity is a theory of opportunism, a theory of worshipping the spontaneity of the labor movement, a theory which actually repudiates the leading role of the vanguard of the working class, i.e., the working-class party.

Thirdly, Leninist theory of proletarian revolution formed under the new historical conditions which includes: First, now the proletarian revolution must be regarded primarily as the result of the development of the contradictions within the world system of imperialism and as the result of the breaking of the chain of the imperialist world front in one country or another. In 1917 the chain of the imperialist world front proved to be weaker in Russia than in the other countries. It was there that the chain broke and provided an outlet for the proletarian revolution. Second, there is no chasm separating the bourgeois-democratic revolution and the the proletarian revolution. The idea of transforming and promoting the bourgeois revolution into the proletarian revolution is one of the cornerstones of Leninist theory of revolution. Third, the overthrow of the power of the bourgeoisie and establishment of the power of the proletariat in a single country does not yet mean that the complete victory of socialism has been guaranteed. The task of any victorious revolution is to do “the utmost possible in a particular country for the development, support and awakening of the revolution in all countries.”

On the issue of the dictatorship of the proletariat, Stalin expounded on three aspects: Firstly, the dictatorship of the proletariat is the instrument of the proletarian revolution, its organ, its most important mainstay, brought into being for the purpose of, firstly, crushing the resistance of the overthrown exploiters and consolidating the achievements of the proletarian revolution, and second, carrying the revolution to the complete victory of socialism. Secondly, the essence of the dictatorship of the proletariat is the rule of the proletariat over the bourgeoisie. The dictatorship of the proletariat “must be a state that is democratic in a new way for the proletarians and the non-propertied in general and dictatorial in a new way against the bourgeoisie. The dictatorship of the proletariat cannot arise as the result of the peaceful development of bourgeois society and of bourgeois democracy; it can arise only as the result of the smashing of the bourgeois state machinery. Thirdly, the Soviet regime is a state form of proletarian dictatorship. The former oppressed and exploited are now the permanent and sole basis of the whole power of the state and of the whole state apparatus; the masses who previously could not enjoy “democratic rights and liberties, are now drawn unfailingly into constant and, moreover, decisive participation in the democratic administration of the state”.

On the issue of the peasants, Stalin pointed out four aspects: Firstly, the basic problem of Leninism is the dictatorship of the proletariat, and the peasants are the allies of the proletariat in the struggle for power. Secondly, the particularity of the Russian bourgeois-democratic revolution was that the peasantry finally left the bourgeoisie and came to realize the necessity of submitting to the leadership of such a courageous leader of the revolution as the Russian proletariat. Thirdly, during the proletarian revolution, the peasants were more revolutionary and united directly around the proletariat. Fourthly, after the consolidation of the Soviet regime, economic construction became the primary issue. Lenin rightly pointed out in his articles on co-operation that the development of agriculture in our country must proceed along a new path, along the path of drawing the majority of the peasants into socialist construction through the co-operatives.

On the national question, Stalin pointed out two aspects: Firstly, during the last two decades the national question has undergone a number of very important changes. We should pay attention to distinguish two different natures in dealing with national question: revolutionary and counter revolutionary, progressive and reactionary. The question of the oppressed nations became a question of supporting the oppressed nations, of rendering real and continuous assistance to them in their struggle against imperialism for real equality of nations, for their independent existence as states. Secondly, on the basis of summarizing the ten principles of Leninism on the national question, this work discusses two tendencies in the national question. The tendency towards political emancipation from the shackles of imperialism and towards the formation of an independent national state — a tendency which arose as a consequence of imperialist oppression and colonial exploitation; and the tendency towards closer economic relations among nations, which arose as a result of the formation of the world market and a world economic system. It strives to make all nations close to each other economically. For imperialism, these two tendencies represent irreconcilable contradictions. For communism, on the contrary, these tendencies are but two sides of a single cause — the cause of the emancipation of the oppressed people from the yoke of imperialism; because communism knows that the union of peoples in a single world economic system is possible only in the basis of mutual confidence and voluntary agreement; and that road to the formation of a voluntary union of peoples lies through the separation of the colonies from the “integral” imperialist “whole,” through the transformation of the colonies into independent states.

On strategy and tactics, Stalin expounded on the six aspects of the issue:

Firstly, the strategy and tactics of Leninism is the science of leadership in the class struggle of the proletariat. Secondly, strategy is the determination of the direction of the main blow of the proletariat at a given stage of the revolution, the elaboration of a corresponding plan for the disposition of the revolutionary forces (main and secondary reserves), the fight to carry out this plan throughout the given stage of the revolution. Thirdly, tactics change according to flow and ebb. Fourthly, the task of strategic leadership is to make proper use of all reserves for the achievement of the main object of the revolution at the given stage of its development. Fifthly, the task of tactical leadership is to master various forms of struggle and organization forms of proletariat and to ensure that they are used properly so as to achieve, with the given relations of forces, the maximum results necessary to prepare for strategic success. Sixthly, there is essential difference between revolutionary tactics and reformist tactics. To a revolutionary, on the contrary, the main thing is revolutionary work and not reforms; to him reforms are a by-product of the revolution. That is why, with revolutionary tactics under the conditions of bourgeois rule, reforms are naturally transformed into an instrument for strengthening the revolution, into a strongpoint for the further development of the revolutionary movement. The revolutionary will accept a reform in order to use it as an aid in combining legal work with illegal work to intensify, under its cover, the illegal work for the revolutionary preparation of the masses for the overthrow of the bourgeoisie.

On the issue of the party, Stalin discussed the necessity and characteristics of Leninism on the establishment of a new proletarian party. Second International parties were election machines adapted for parliamentary elections and parliamentary struggle. There must be a new party, a militant party, a revolutionary party in the period of proletarian revolution. The characteristics of the new political party: The Party is the advanced detachment of the working class; the Party is the organized detachment of the working class; the Party is the highest form of class organization of the proletariat; the Party is the instrument of the dictatorship of the proletariat; the Party is the embodiment of unity of will, unity incompatible with the existence of factions ; the Party becomes strong by purging itself of opportunist elements.

On the style in work, Stalin pointed out that the combination of Russian revolutionary sweep with American efficiency is the essence of Leninism in Party and state work.

Stalin’s work systematically expounds and defends the basic principles of Leninism, criticizes opportunists’ distortion of Marxism Leninism, and is still an important document for learning and understanding Leninism.