The Socialist Revolution and the Right of Nations to Self-Determination (Theses)

Lenin expounded the Bolshevik Party’s theory on the right of nations to self-determination. It was written in January- February 1916 and was published in the magazine Vorbote, issue No. 2 in April of the same year. The Chinese translation is included in Vol. 27 of the second revised edition of Complete Works of Lenin.

As the capitalist society entered into the imperialism era and the imperialist war broke out in 1914, national contradictions intensified, and the issue of national liberation became urgent. The urgent task of the Social-Democratic Party was to clarify the relationship between national liberation and socialist revolution and lay a solid ideological foundation for the upcoming national revolutionary movements. Opportunists and the Kautskyists in the Second International opposed the right of nations for self-determination. They separated socialist revolution from national liberation movements, which led ideological confusion and hindered future revolution. In face of such situation, Lenin wrote a series of articles to expound the attitude and stand of the proletarian party on the right of nations of self-determination. The theses comprised of nine parts, which elaborate on the following issues, such as the socialist revolution under the conditions of imperialism and the realization of the right of nations of self-determination.

Firstly, Lenin made a scientific judgment on the current social nature. He pointed out that imperialism was the highest stage of capitalist development. Secondly, he pointed out that the conditions for a socialist revolution were ripe. The development of capital has surpassed beyond the scope of nation-states, and competition was replaced by monopoly, which created all the preconditions for a socialist revolution and the realization of socialism. Thirdly, he pointed out the extensive and thorough nature of the socialist revolution. The socialist revolution should be a battle on all fronts, which could only be completed by depriving and suppressing the bourgeoisie. After the victory of socialism, democracy must be fully implemented. Fourthly, Lenin explained the essence and development trend of democracy. He pointed out that democracy was also a form of state, and it would disappear with the disappearance of the state when the consolidated socialism will finally transit to full communism.

Different attitudes towards self-determination.

(1) The attitude of the proletariat towards the right of nations to self-determination.

The Social-Democratic Party’s outline should point out that the division into the oppressing and the oppressed nations was an inevitable phenomenon under imperialism. The proletariat should support the freedom of political separation between the oppressed nations and colonies when it came to the self-determination issue. The proletariat and socialists of the oppressed nations must especially insist on and realize the complete and unconditional (including organizational) unity of the workers of the oppressed nations and the workers of the oppressing nations.

Lenin concretely elaborated the attitude of the proletariat from three types of countries in relation to self-determination in the era of imperialism. Firstly, the advanced capitalist countries of Western Europe and America. In these countries the bourgeois, progressive, national movements came to an end long ago. Every one of these “great” nations oppressed other nations in the colonies and within its own country. The proletariat in these countries should support the national self-determination of oppressed nations and their liberation. Secondly, Eastern Europe, particularly Russia. The proletariat in these countries should also support national self-determination. Otherwise, the task of bourgeois-democratic reformation, as well as the task of assisting the socialist revolution in other countries could not be achieved. They must merge the class struggle of the workers in the oppressing nations with the class struggle of the workers in the oppressed nations. Thirdly, the semi-colonial countries like China. The proletariat in these countries must not only demand the unconditional and immediate liberation of the colonies without compensation—and this demand in its political expression signifies nothing more nor less than the recognition of the right to self-determination—but must render determined support to the more revolutionary elements in the liberation movements against the imperialist powers that oppress them.

(2) The Russian and the Polish Social-Democratic Party had different attitudes toward self-determination. In Russia, since the bourgeois revolution did not finish, the Russian Social-Democratic Party must admit that the nation oppressed by the tsarist system had the right to separating from Russia. On the contrary, the Polish Social-Democratic Party denied national self-determination because it opposed the bourgeoisie deceiving people with nationalist slogans.

On the meaning of the right tol self-determination and its relation to federation. Lenin’s attitude was very dialectical. He pointed out that the right of nations to self-determination meant only the right to independence in a political sense, the right to free, political secession from the oppressing nation. However, this demand was by no means identical with the demand for secession, for partition, for the formation of small states. It is merely the logical expression of the struggle against national oppression in every form. The recognition of self-determination was not the same as making federation a principle. However, Lenin pointed out at the same time that it was better to establish federation than national inequality, and to regard it as the path towards complete democratic centralism.

On the critique of Proudhonismin national issues. In contrast to the petty-bourgeois democrats, Marx argued that all democratic demands, without exception, were not absolute. It was absolutely wrong in theory to set one demand of political democracy— the right of nations of self-determination—against other demands. In practice, the proletariat could maintain its independence only if its struggle for democracy (including the demand for the establishment of a republic) was subordinated to its revolutionary struggle to overthrow the bourgeoisie. At the same time, Lenin refuted Proudhon’s idea of denying the issue of self-determination in the name of social revolution. Lenin pointed out that social revolution and national self-determination were not opposites. In view of the fact that the interests of the proletariat in various advanced countries outweighed everything, the fundamental internationalism and socialist principle should always be put first that the oppressing nations could not be liberated.

On social-chauvinism and self-determination of nations. Lenin specifically put forward the task of opposing chauvinism and nationalism in advanced countries. He pointed out that chauvinists and nationalists were opportunists who prostitute Marxism.

Finally, Lenin also discussed the concrete tasks of the proletariat in the immediate future. The socialist revolution may begin in the very near future. In that case the proletariat will be faced with the immediate tasks of seizing power, of expropriating the banks and of implementing other dictatorial measures. However, before the revolution is ripe, the task will be to educate the masses in a revolutionary spirit, eliminate social chauvinists and opportunists from the party and lay a mass basis and ideological foundation for the revolution.

Lenin’s theory of socialist revolution and national self-determination and his idea that “democracy is also a form of state which must disappear when the state disappears, but this will occur only in the process of transition from completely victorious and consolidated socialism to complete communism” are important enrichment and perfection of Marxism.