Imperialism and the Split in Socialism

This is Lenin’s important article on Imperialism which was written in August 1916. In December 1916, it was published in Sbornik Sotsial-Demokrata issue No. 2. The Chinese translation is included in Vol. 28 of the second revised edition of Complete Works of Lenin.

This article includes three main points:

The first main point is to emphasize the imperialist nature of the World War I and to reiterate the basic view advocated in the book Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism (A Popular Outline).

Firstly, Lenin revealed the essence and historical development trend of imperialism. Lenin argued that imperialism was a special historical stage of capitalism, particularity shown in: (1) Imperialism as the monopoly capitalism; (2) Imperialism as the parasitic and decaying capitalism; (3) Imperialism as the moribund capitalism. The supplanting of free competition by monopoly is the fundamental economic feature, the quintessence of imperialism. Lenin briefly explained why imperialism was parasitic and decaying capitalism. It is manifested first of all in the tendency to decay, which is characteristic of every monopoly under the system of private ownership of the means of production. Secondly, the decay of capitalism is manifested in the creation of a huge stratum of rentiers, capitalists who live by “clipping coupons”. Thirdly, export of capital is parasitism raised to a high pitch. Fourthly, finance capital strives for domination. Political reaction all along the line is a characteristic feature of imperialism. Imperialism is moribund capitalism, capitalism in transition to socialism: monopoly, which grows out of capitalism, is already dying capitalism, the beginning of its transition to socialism.

Secondly, he pointed out the five principal forms of imperialism: monopolistic associations of capitalists like cartels, syndicates and trusts; the monopolistic position of the big banks that manipulate the whole economic life; seizure of the sources of raw material by the trusts and the financial oligarchy; the beginning of partition of the world by the international cartels; the completion of territorial partition of the world.

The second main point is to expose the political and economic ties between Kautskyism and imperialism.

Lenin scientifically pointed out that the connection between social chauvinism and imperialism was the fundamental question of modern socialism. Lenin also pointed out that opportunism (in the form of social chauvinism) had a certain connection with imperialism for the extremely despicable victory of the European worker’s movement. First of all, the wars of this era were imperialist in nature. Secondly, social chauvinism and opportunism had the same ideological and political meaning.

Lenin refuted Kautsky’s theory of imperialism. First, Lenin revealed the essential defects of Kautsky’s definition of imperialism. Kautsky denied that imperialism was “a phase of capitalism” and defined imperialism as a policy of “preferred” by financial capital, a tendency of “industrial” countries to annex “agrarian” countries. In response to this erroneous theory, Lenin pointed out that what distinguishes imperialism is the rule of finance capital, the striving to annex every kind of country. Kautsky divorced monopoly in politics from monopoly in economics in order to pave the way for his vulgar bourgeois reformism. The whole purpose and significance of this theoretical falsity was to obscure the most profound contradictions of imperialism and thus justify the theory of “unity” with the apologists of imperialism, the social-chauvinists and opportunists. This demonstrated Kautsky’s break with Marxism. Lenin also discussed on this point in Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism. Secondly, Lenin pointed out the fraudulence and danger of Kautsky’s viewpoint. Kautsky had no roots either in the masses or in the privileged stratum which has deserted to the bourgeoisie. The danger of Kautskyism lied in the fact that, utilizing the ideology of the past, it endeavours to reconcile the proletariat with the “bourgeois labor party”, to preserve the unity of the proletariat with that party and thereby enhance the latter’s prestige. One of the most common sophistries of Kautskyism was its reference to the “masses”. We do not want, they say, to break away from the masses and mass organisations! Lenin pointed out that the essence of Marxist tactics was to separate the “lowest mass” from the “bourgeois labor party” of the old trade unions—the privileged minority, and to appeal to the former. This would be revealed only by the struggle, it will be definitely decided only by the socialist revolution. Only when the revolutionary proletariats take the form of social revolution and “defend” can the revolutionary Social-Democratic party win worldwide.

Lenin also pointed out the importance of exposing opportunism. “Defenders of the fatherland” in the imperialist war represented only a minority. Socialists should go down lower and deeper, to the real masses; expose the fact that the opportunists and social-chauvinists are in reality betraying and selling the interests of the masses, that they are defending the temporary privileges of a minority of the workers, that they are the vehicles of bourgeois ideas and influences, that they are really allies and agents of the bourgeoisie. Lenin pointed out: the only Marxist line in the world labor movement is to explain to the masses the inevitability and necessity of breaking with opportunism, to educate them for revolution by waging a relentless struggle against opportunism, to utilise the experience of the war to expose, not conceal, the utter vileness of national-liberal labor politics.

The third main point is to explain the split in the socialist movement in the era of imperialism.

Lenin pointed out that the two trends, one might even say two parties, in the present-day labor movement, which in 1914–16 so obviously parted their paths all over the world. The other is opportunists represented by Kautsky.

Lenin explained the future and destiny of the two parties after the split. Opportunists (social-chauvinists) were working hand in glove with the imperialist bourgeoisie precisely towards creating an imperialist Europe on the backs of Asia and Africa, and that objectively the opportunists were a section of the petty bourgeoisie and of a certain strata of the working class who have been bribed out of imperialist superprofits and converted to watchdogs of capitalism and corrupters of the labor movement. The proletariat was the child of capitalism—of world capitalism. On a world scale, the “proletariat” of course “will be” united, and revolutionary Social-Democracy will “inevitably” be victorious within it. Lenin also pointed out that the Kautskyists were dissidents to the proletariat, slaves, agents and disseminators of bourgeois influence. Without getting rid of these people, the labor movement was a bourgeois movement.

This article not only emphasizes and supplements of Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism, but also profoundly exposes the essence and harm of opportunism by Kautsky and others and encourages the labor movement to get rid of its influence.