Motive Forces of the New-Democratic Revolution

In December 1939, in his article “The Chinese Revolution and the Communist Party of China”, Mao Zedong pointed out: "In all classes and strata of Chinese society, which of the various classes and strata in Chinese society constitute the forces capable of fighting against imperialism and feudalism? This is the motive force of the Chinese revolution at the present stage.” “A clear understanding of the nature of Chinese society, that is, of Chinese conditions, is therefore the key to a clear understanding of all the problems of the revolution.” In his view, the economic status of the classes in China's semi-colonial and semi-feudal society determined whether they could become the motive force of revolution.

In December 1935, in his article “On Tactics Against Japanese Imperialism”, Mao Zedong pointed out: "Basically, the workers, the peasants and the urban petty bourgeoisie are still the motive forces of the revolution, but now there may be the national bourgeoisie as well.”

The landlord class formed the main social base for imperialist rule in China; it was a class which used the feudal system to exploit and oppress the peasants, obstructed China's political, economic and cultural development and played no progressive role. Therefore, the landlords were a target and not a motive force of the revolution.

The comprador big bourgeoisie was a class which directly served the capitalists of the imperialist countries, represented the most backward and reactionary productive relations in China, and never in the history of the revolution had it been a motive force.

The national bourgeoisie was a class with a dual character, on the one hand, it was oppressed by imperialism and fettered by feudalism and consequently was in contradiction with both of them, and it constituted one of the revolutionary forces; it lacked the courage to oppose imperialism and feudalism thoroughly because it was economically and politically flabby and still had economic ties with imperialism and feudalism. The dual character of the national bourgeoisie determined that it could both take part in the revolution and could become a revolutionary force, and the party of the proletariat must have had a prudent policy towards the national bourgeoisie.

Vagrants were a multitude of rural and urban unemployed in China, and this social stratum was unstable while some were apt to be bought over by the reactionary forces, others might join the revolution and the party of proletariat should have known how to remould them.

The petty bourgeoisie, other than the peasantry, consisted of the vast numbers of intellectuals, small trades men, handicraftsmen and professional people, and their status resembled that of the middle peasants, they were being driven ever nearer to bankruptcy or destitution under the oppression of imperialism, feudalism and the big bourgeoisie. They were one of the motive forces of the revolution and were a reliable ally of the proletariat.

The peasantry other than the rich peasants which constituted approximately 80% of China's total population, was exploited by imperialism, the landlord class and the bourgeoisie, and they were the biggest motive force of the Chinese revolution, the natural and most reliable ally of the proletariat. In addition to the basic qualities it shared with the proletariat everywhere, the Chinese proletariat had many other outstanding qualities, and it was the most basic motive force of the Chinese revolution.

Considering these, without the leadership of the proletariat, it was impossible for the Chinese revolution to win.